NATURE HAS IT, that the dog wags the tail. But the anomalous could sometimes be caused to happen under abnormal conditions, in which case the tail wags the dog. The failure of the government of South Africa to properly handle its immigration crisis is more of a symptom of a problem that has built up over a period of two decades, traceable to official corruption, incompetence and lack of foresight. It has only provided a leeway for non-state actors who have taken laws into their own hands, arbitrarily taking up roles of the state albeit in its crudest sense. With the growing chaos, vandalism, beating of black immigrants, the graphic videos emanating from South Africa recently are not those of peaceful protests. They are driven by xenophobia that is harming South Africa, leading to company relocations, economic decline and rising hunger.
South Africa was the cause of the present xenophobic crisis. Today’s experience is an outcome of previous bad official policies. It is a consequence of shutting down the system that made it grow. A historical context is relevant in this case. South Africa was the most industrialised country in Africa. Factories were running at scale successfully, churning out goods. The railway system was moving goods to the sea port, to countries outside South Africa. Power was stable. Export was flowing. That system worked. Then came the turning point. Around 2006, South Africa stopped investing enough to keep electricity stable and expanding. Once power goes, everything else follows. Industry slows. Engineering declines. Capacity shrinks. Factories close. Infrastructure weakens.
To make things worse, South Africa tried to move away from production, trying to jump into services. But services need skills and scale. Unlike those industrial economies, South Africa lacks those skills and the scale because the system to support this scale was never built. If the country had continued on the line of industrialisation, it would have had that capacity. The present closure of factories and unemployment cannot be called bad luck but rather a case of cause and effect. And that cause was a lack of proper planning since the majority black rule took over the reins and politics of opportunism took the centre stage among the political gladiators. One South African has warned that “if we don’t wake up, we will keep fighting ourselves while the real problem stays untouched.”
But the government of South Africa seems helpless and unprepared for the current reality, which is a consequence of previous poor, non-proactive policy that was devoid of far-sightedness. So far, it has done anything short of condemning the nefarious activities and violent actions of those going after immigrants. It is yet to show that it is ready to take the challenge. Although South Africa is the financial capital of Africa, how many ordinary South Africans are ICT professionals, corporate or multinational entrepreneurs, investment bankers or consultants? How many of them really can compete with foreigners on their soil in South African boardroom top shots made up of predominantly non-South Africans? But the warped and twisted narrative of “taking our jobs,” is a deep seated motivation for violence and intolerance against other Africans.
History is now being brought into reckoning and South Africans are the causes. South Africans that were ignorant of their recent history are about to be taught the real history of their independence and those who shaped that history. They tell the foreigners to “go back and build your country.” Since the vagabonds on the streets now talk with hostility to foreigners, irrespective of their immigration status, a dose of historical reminder might now be necessary. Retaliation is coming and some countries may give South Africa a good dose of it. It was obvious that the organisers of street protests lacked strategy, scenario thinking and exit plans. Some hypothetical consequences might suffice.
What if Nigeria fights back? What if Ethiopia takes revenge? How about the possibility of Tanzania taking some unexpected measures against South Africa? When did South Africa become an island nation that needs no help from other countries in Africa? What happened to the historical relevance of countries that helped South Africa fight oppression and today their children living in South Africa are now being harassed, harried and humiliated? At the centre of the animosity against immigrants, street protesters now usurp the roles of policemen and immigration officers. They randomly spot, stop and demand for the passport of any suspected African migrant. A trader who is a foreigner is also considered as taking the job of a native South African.
The xenophobic protesters abandoned the cause of their crisis and are preoccupied with fighting the effects. The culpable politicians are enjoying the confusion and the protesters’ ignorance, at least for now. Two billion Rand got stolen from the public hospitals and the protesters are not asking “where did the money go?” Rather, to them, foreigners are the reason. Why are the politicians who are stealing billions from the public hospitals driving G-Wagon and, instead of demanding accountability, your first instinct is to blame foreigners. How does that even make sense? To underscore the lack of validity of their fixation on Africans who are foreign nationals, it is important to reason from an informed standpoint to debunk the flawed statements and allegations of foreigners taking jobs that belong to entitled South Africans.
Stat SA, South Africa’s most credible and trusted source on population data has denied the sensational claims made by xenophobic movements like Operation Dudula. Stat SA has never released an official figure for undocumented immigrants. Rather, opportunists like Jacinta Ngobese Zuma – a media personality, radio producer, and activist leading the “March and March” movement, notorious for orchestrating protests against foreign nationals, demanding mass deportations and advocating for strict immigration controls in South Africa – are using fellow South Africans’ economic frustration to stir up racial hatred. Arguments make more sense when done with data as working tools. South African Revenue Service (SARS) collected 1.8 trillion Rand in the 2024-2025 financial year. Of this, 266 billion rand goes towards social grants alone. That is 3.65 percent of the entire GDP of South Africa. Now, consider this. South Africa is the only emerging market in its peer group where social grants spending exceeds three percent of its GDP. In this case, 28 million people receive grants. Only 7.7 million South Africans submit tax returns. So, 7.7 million people are carrying 28 million grant recipients.
The prognosis of South Africa’s present social and economic woes is very obvious. And its summary is simple: When migrants leave, South Africans will turn on themselves. This is because plans for what happens after their exit neither exist, nor are there skill sets to keep the protesters gainfully employed thereafter. Even now, the manner of their protests portrays clear knee jerk reactions rather than sensible or rationally coordinated actions. Since the onset of the on-going protests in South Africa, reports on social media have shown reactions, including what many describe as a consistent pattern of double standards in how different groups are treated.
In Johannesburg, for instance, a look at where they carry out their protests tells a striking story. Sandton is a major affluent commercial and residential district located in the northern part of the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality in Gauteng, situated about 16 km north of the Johannesburg CBD. It acts as a primary financial hub, housing the Johannesburg Stock Exchange. Sunning Hill is a popular, modern commercial and residential suburb located in Sandton, northern Johannesburg, Gauteng. Melrose is an upmarket, affluent suburb located in the northern part of Johannesburg, Gauteng province. Soweto, an acronym for South Western Townships, is a massive residential area (technically a cluster of townships) located southwest of Johannesburg, established in the early 20th century to house Black labourers, which later became a major centre for the anti-apartheid struggle. They don’t carry out protests in Sandton, Sunning Hill or Melrose where the real economic power is. They cannot get to such places. But they go to easiest locations like Hillbrow, CBD to loot and steal what does not belong to them.
Across multiple incidents shared online, users have contrasted the calm, measured engagements often seen when protesters are dealing with White and Asian individuals, against the hostility, violence and xenophobic targeting directed at Black African immigrants. The latter, many note, has in several cases escalated into assaults and forced removals, as foreign nationals are pushed to leave communities. It has to be emphasised again and again. Xenophobia is a malignant tool in the hands of erratic politicians and irate street men. In spite of this, some opposition voices to xenophobia are rearing their heads. Civil society groups are taking a stand against xenophobia. They are marching to Constitution Hill to demand an end to the “scapegoating of migrants.” For instance, Nhlanhla Luxury Dlamini, former founder and leader of Operation Dudula, now speaks out on why he has distanced himself from what he now describes as a xenophobic cult group. These need to follow words with action to save South Africa’s image on the global stage.
The mischaracterisation of South Africa’s socio-economic crisis is a major factor in the growing xenophobia. Immigration is not the issue. Failed systems are. Incompetence of politicians, official corruption, weak institutions, absence of real opportunities, poor engagement with citizens and studied silence when protesters roar all frustrate the people and give vent to what is becoming an intractable national crisis. But instead of fixing it, they turn on foreigners. They chant “Nigeria must go, Congolese must leave, Ghanaians must go back and fix their countries, Zimbabweans should return to their country,” etc. These protesters have taken their actions too far, not minding the future consequences of their actions today, so much so that they even violate the rights of minors. They are audacious enough to invade learning centres where non-South African children are being removed from schools by South African xenophobic activists. They even go as far as forcing non-South Africans who visit public hospitals to leave. For a while now allegations have been made that the ANC and senior government officials are funding these vigilante groups.
Although, in early November 2025, the Gauteng High Court, in a landmark ruling, has ordered that operation Dudula – and by extension all South African vigilante groups, individuals and even the police – to stop targeting, abusing, harassing, intimidating or obstructing foreigners from accessing essential services, or threatening them with violence. Such threats violate their human rights –their right to freedom, peace and dignity. Now, to prove seriousness and determination to deal with such threats, the South African government and police must enforce the law or be in contempt of court. And if South African law enforcement and hospital staff refuse to follow the law, this issue can now be taken to international courts like the ICJ by those nations whose citizens are being abused and not protected by the South African government.
Whether it is recognised now or not, the attacks and forceful removal of African immigrants in South Africa will backfire terribly and tremendously against South Africa in the not too distant future if the current xenophobic actions are not stopped.
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Dr. Olukayode Oyeleye, Business a.m.’s Editorial Advisor, who graduated in veterinary medicine from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, before establishing himself in science and public policy journalism and communication, also has a postgraduate diploma in public administration, and is a former special adviser to two former Nigerian ministers of agriculture. He specialises in development and policy issues in the areas of food, trade and competition, security, governance, environment and innovation, politics and emerging economies.
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