A SWEEPING MIGRATION reform package was approved last Wednesday at the European Parliament meeting held in Strasbourg, France, during the June plenary session. The package, aimed at tightening deportation and return procedures across the European Union, was the outcome of the legislation’s passage of stringent migration measures that grant member states wider-ranging powers to deport failed asylum seekers. That significantly tightens the process of deporting undocumented migrants.
It was a defining moment as the vote exposed deep divisions among the lawmakers along ideological lines after elections in 2024 led to a record number of nationalist and far-right MEPs. The approval, which was met with hearty applause in the parliament, nonetheless got the overwhelming support of right-wing lawmakers who joined forces to back the plans, with the law approved by 418 votes in support of the bill to 218 against, with 30 abstentions. It did not end without some dramatic scenes of rancour and noise as some members of parliament (MEPs) on the right of the chamber, while celebrating, chanted loudly “send them back,” in reference to irregular migrants. Left-wing members responded with chants of ‘shame on you,’ highlighting the deep political divide over migration policy in Europe.
However, it seems like the “send them back” is far from being a far right chant, but rather a sensible demand from people finally waking up. It needs a bit of context and background. The European Commission Pact initially proposed on September 23, 2020, on migration and asylum, was a set of rules managing migration and establishing a common asylum system at the EU level. It was expected to deliver results while remaining grounded in European values. The deal was later agreed to on December 20, 2023, between representatives of the elected European Parliament and the Council of the European Union, made up of EU government ministers.
The New Pact on Migration and Asylum, also known as the EU Migration Pact or the EU Asylum and Migration Pact, is a set of new European Union rules concerning migration that took effect on 12 June 12, 2026. It compels member states to more evenly share the cost and efforts of hosting migrants and reform European Union asylum and border security procedures, among other provisions. The background to the European Parliament’s meeting on June 17, 2026, was the drive to address low deportation rates and implement the recently enacted New Pact on Migration and Asylum. There are some key background drivers leading to the legislative action, including stalling deportation rates.
Prior to the meeting, only about 20 percent of migrants who were ordered to leave the EU were reportedly actually returning to their home countries. Lawmakers sought to revise the 20-year-old return rules to improve overall system efficiency. Although political pressure and ideological divisions became obvious, the vote reflects a broader growth in anti-immigration sentiment and a push by centre-right and far-right groups to severely curb irregular migration. The intense division was shown, with glum left-wing politicians chanting “shame on you” in protest against the right-wing politicians cheering “send them back.”
Supporters argue that the reforms are necessary to restore credibility to the EU’s migration system, improve enforcement of deportation orders, and address concerns over rejected asylum seekers remaining in member states. Several lawmakers celebrated a vote in the European parliament approving plans to increase deportations of undocumented people. Critics, however, warn the measures could undermine migrant rights and further polarise the debate surrounding immigration. The polarisation of immigration debate is already happening. It is up to countries to decide what to do.
The heated confrontation in the European parliament on Wednesday after lawmakers voted 418 to 218 to approve controversial measures aimed at increasing deportations of undocumented people was not just a democratic process. It was a defining moment for the EU to determine its future in a continent that has been grappling with the conflicts associated with immigration. Criticising the outcome of the vote and subsequent overhaul, right groups, including Amnesty International France, described the plans as “absurd, cruel and discriminatory.” As part of wider pushback, 16 UN experts reportedly recently outlined more than a dozen ways in which the rules could potentially contravene international human rights.
According to one left-leaning social media commentator, “the human depravity of a certain political faction truly seems to know no bounds: rejoicing over the deportation of innocent people.” She complained that “rejoicing not because someone’s life is improving, but because someone else’s – considered different, inferior, less deserving of rights – is getting worse.” Operationally, the approved law is aimed at speeding up the return of migrants with no legal right to remain in the EU. But, the plans, which include measures under which people could be detained for up to two years or sent to offshore centres, have been described as potential “human rights black holes,” while also allowing ICE-style immigration enforcement to gain a foothold in Europe.
The enactment of the law will ensure tighter rules and entry bans. In such circumstances, the updated Return Regulation includes extending entry bans for those believed to pose a security risk up to 20 years, or indefinitely in rare cases, and preventing secondary movements across EU member states. Those hubs to be provided could serve either as transit facilities, where people await return to their country of origin, or as locations where migrants remain for an extended period, potentially without a time limit or guarantee of onward return. Only unaccompanied minors would be exempt from the measure, while families with children could be transferred to the hubs.
A new EU system is expected to make provision for the return of illegally staying third country nationals. Non-EU nationals subject to a return decision will be required to cooperate with the authorities. In order to prepare their return, they may be detained, based on an individual assessment, for example if they are not cooperating, present a risk of absconding or pose a security risk. Detention will have to be ordered by an administrative or judicial authority, and may last up to 24 months. Under an agreement with countries outside the EU to accept returnees, it will be envisaged that it is possible to transfer migrants with a return decision, excluding unaccompanied minors, to “return hubs” in the territory of a country that agrees to accept them, based on an agreement concluded by an EU member state. These agreements may only be concluded with third countries that uphold human rights, and international law.
African countries need to feel concerned and make pre-emptive measures. Between 25 and 30 percent of African immigrants residing in the European Union are estimated to be undocumented or irregular migrants, meaning the significant majority (about 70 percent to 75 percent) enter and reside lawfully. According to historical estimates by the Migration Policy Institute, out of millions of African migrants living in Europe, a large portion of the undocumented demographic consists of individuals who entered legally with visas but subsequently overstayed. Africans account for approximately 30 to 40 percent of all irregular border crossings into the European Union. In terms of total unauthorised populations, the Migration Policy Institute estimates that there are between 7 million and 8 million illegal immigrants from Africa currently living in the EU, representing a significant share of the overall undocumented population.
While data varies by year, the most heavily represented African countries of origin for irregular entries include Mali, Senegal, Guinea, Côte d’Ivoire, and Nigeria. African nationals migrate irregularly to the European Union (EU) due to a combination of severe structural push factors at home and strong pull factors in Europe. According to studies by organisations such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), a significant portion of irregular migrants were actually employed or in school before leaving, highlighting that the desire for better opportunities often outweighs the massive risks of the journey.
The primary reasons driving irregular migration from Africa to the EU are categorised into economic, political, environmental, and social factors. Under the economic conditions, severe unemployment is found. A massive lack of competitive jobs and structural vocational training networks forces young people to look outward. The same goes for extreme wealth gaps: Broad economic disparities and poverty drive families to view migration as an immediate poverty reduction strategy. Wage disparities, especially low domestic wages compare poorly to the potential earning power and stronger currency value available in European labour markets.
Armed conflicts, including civil wars, terrorism (such as the Boko Haram insurgency) and localised violence, are among factors that force thousands of people to flee. Political instability involving pervasive corruption and fragile governments create an uncertain, volatile environment that discourages long-term local planning. Human rights violations, especially in instances of pervasive political persecution, weak rule of law and poor governance leave citizens without domestic safety, social or legal protection. Severe unemployment is prevalent where there is a massive lack of competitive jobs and structural vocational training networks, forcing young people to look outward.
Many environmental triggers prompt thousands of Africans to emigrate in their pursuit of freedom from peculiar livelihood stressors such as severe droughts, rising sea levels and changing weather patterns. These heavily impact agrarian communities across regions like the Sahel. Another stressor is resource depletion wherein environmental degradation ruins local economies, prompting individuals to seek alternative livelihoods internationally. In addition, prevalent information advantages, such as in expanded mobile phone ownership and internet penetration, provide instant access to smuggling routes and destination information.
Among other factors encouraging illegal migration is the idea of social networks. Established family ties and social networks within the EU offer a baseline of support and cultural integration incentives. Lucrative smuggling Networks, including transnational human trafficking networks across North and West Africa, actively facilitate irregular passages via the Mediterranean and Atlantic routes. Lastly, the lack of safe legal pathways is when very limited legal economic migration quotas or visa processing options leave many with irregular transit as their only viable choice. Responding to the demands from immigrants’ presence is capital-intensive. EU financial contributions are huge.
The new law will put many migrants in financial conundrum. For instance, migrants residing in the European Union send an estimated total of approximately €63 billion per year to developing countries globally. That will be affected negatively as the overall, total annual diaspora remittances to Africa officially range between $90 billion and $100 billion. The “return regulation” is the EU bloc’s toughest shift in migration policy in decades. It is considered controversial as it would allow EU countries to set up deportation centres outside the bloc, known as return hubs, through agreements with non-EU countries. African migrants will be heavily and negatively impacted as the law goes fully into operation. This therefore sends a message of urgency to prospective African illegal migrants leaders to rethink their EU adventure and for governments of African states to rethink their policy choices by ensuring that the conditions that force people out on desperate migration journeys are significantly minimised, even if not entirely eliminated.
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Dr. Olukayode Oyeleye, Business a.m.’s Editorial Advisor, who graduated in veterinary medicine from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, before establishing himself in science and public policy journalism and communication, also has a postgraduate diploma in public administration, and is a former special adviser to two former Nigerian ministers of agriculture. He specialises in development and policy issues in the areas of food, trade and competition, security, governance, environment and innovation, politics and emerging economies.
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